[Last updated: 27 August 2021.]
SLAVERY IN THE STEMBEL FAMILY'S PAST: c 1780 - 1864
Slaves were not machines, not robots, not beasts of burden. They were human beings with no freedoms. They were people. They were enslaved persons. While doing this research I tried to never forget that. However, to succinctly convey information about the people my ancestors purchased for their own benefit, I will use the term "slave" in most cases. When you read the word, please remember, they were people, like you and me.
Introduction
We can't discuss the Stembel family in Maryland without discussing the fact that Frederick and some of his offspring owned enslaved persons. One can make the excuses that slavery in Middletown, 20 miles from the Pennsylvania border (offering a chance for freedom for an abused, runaway slave) was different from slavery in the deep south, or that the Stembel's slaves likely did domestic work and lived with the family, or that young white workers at the time preferred to move west and own their own farm rather than work for other people for low wages, so slave labor was the only alternative. All somewhat true, but owning an enslaved person was owning a human being, and their offspring forever, That's abhorrent to us today. It is likely that some of Frederick's wealth was, to some extent, a result of the labor of his slaves.
However, this is a history of the Stembel family, and slavery is a part of that history. I try not to judge what decisions family members have made in the past. Here, I must concentrate on the historical facts, not the morality of slavery
Slavery in Frederick County
Frederick County in the early 19th century was a county of small farms and small but growing towns. In 1850, Frederick County had a population of 41,000, of which 7,700 (18.8%) were slaves or free Blacks. Slaves slightly outnumbered free Blacks countywide. Most slave owners (1,090 in the county) owned less than 4 slaves(1). Slave ownership was largely concentrated in the county's southern and southeastern districts - adjacent to Montgomery County and along the Potomac River. Slave ownership decreased as one traveled from southeast to northwest in the county. The Middletown district (white population: 3,600) had 73 slave owners and 156 slaves, or 2.1 slaves per slave owner.
It should be noted that these numbers above are from 1850, but the years the Stembels owned slaves were 10 to 50 years earlier. However, the reasons for owning slaves were much the same, and the ownership percentages were probably not that different from 1850 (except the percentage of free blacks in the county rose during that time).
We can understand why farmers might prefer to own slaves rather than rely on hired help to ensure crops got planted, tended, and harvested when the weather was right. Hired help had the freedom to quit if they found something better or didn't like the task assigned to them, slaves couldn't. However, many, possibly most slaves in the county were purchased to work in the household, and it becomes obvious why when one examines how exhausting daily life was back in the early 1800s. Imagine life with no electricity, no running water, no toilets, and no refrigeration. No automobiles. Families had horses, horses needed to be fed, watered, and their stalls mucked out. Households used wood for heating and cooking, lots of wood. Bedrooms had chamber pots for use during the night. They had to be emptied and washed. Outhouses needed to be moved when the pits below were full. A slave could be made to do all the drudgery with no freedom to say no when faced with the worst of tasks.
Frederick Stembel.
I don't know if Adam Eberle, Frederick Stembel's step-father, whom I consider part of the family, owned slaves after he moved to Maryland from Pennsylvania in 1752. It seems unlikely. Frederick was most likely the first in the Stembel family to own a slave. We know he owned slaves most of his adult life, but we have no record of his initial purchase. We can only surmise.
By 1780, Frederick was 32. He and Esther had 5 children in their household, the oldest was 6. We can surmise that this would be a logical time to seek help, possibly by purchasing a woman to help cook, clean, and help with the children. So I'm assuming Frederick's first slave purchase took place about 1780. Unfortunately it would be ten more years before a first federal census was taken that recorded how many slaves each household owned. That census, in 1790, only asked for the total number of slaves owned, nothing more. Frederick reported owning 3 slaves.
In that era, those who lived in Maryland and could afford it (especially in the northern and western counties) often purchased a slave or slaves to do household chores and care for the children. A hundred years later those who could afford it would hire live-in maids and butlers to do much the same. The difference, of course, is huge. Maids and butlers are paid. They have the freedom to negotiate their salary, or leave if something better comes along. In slave states like Maryland, owning people was considered normal, and preferable to having to keep employed persons happy and satisfied…and paid.
Over the years Frederick appeared to increase the number of slaves he owned by about one every ten years according to the federal censuses. By the 1830 census he had increased the number of slaves owned to seven. He was 81 and Esther was 79, ages at which many people needed extra care and help with household tasks.
However, by the time the 1840 census was taken - just months before his death - Frederick had reduced the number of slaves he owned to three. His wife had died five years earlier, but recently his granddaughter, Ann Catherine Hewitt, and her infant daughter, had moved back to Maryland from Ohio to care for him. Or to be cared for, because her husband had just died months earlier and left her with a two-month-old infant.
Here are the number of enslaved persons Frederick owned according to the censuses:
1790 - 3 1800 - 4 1810 - 5 1820 - 6 1830 - 7 1840 - 3
One would assume these slaves were all adults, acquired and supported to do adult tasks. It appears, however, that as many as half of Frederick's slaves were children. Beginning in 1820, censuses began recording slave's ages and gender, and we find that in 1820 3 of his 6 slaves were under the age of 14, and in 1830, 1 of his 7 slaves was under the age of 10, and 3 others were between 10 and 24. Children must be clothed and fed, but they aren't productive, so why own children? While children are a burden during childhood, at a certain age slave children become valuable, especially if they have acquired skills that are in demand. Some plantation owners further south, with large numbers of slaves, actually encouraged pregnancies. Slave children were a future asset, to be sold for profit when they reached maturity. While that may have been Frederick's intent, it doesn't seem likely. Real estate in Frederick County at a time when the county was growing, was more lucrative. Also, given that Frederick had some of his slave newborns baptized in his church, as he did for his own children, I don't believe he was raising them to sell for profit.
When Frederick wrote his will in 1838, it included language that manumitted his three remaining slaves "so soon as my Executor shall have disposed of my personal estate." It also directed that Sally, the mother of the second slave(2), was to be given $40 from his estate "so soon after my death as he shall have it in his person to do." According to most inflation calculators I consulted, $40 in 1840 would be comparable to $1,000 in 2020.
Frederick died in November, 1840, and his slaves were freed soon after.
The section of Frederick Stembel's will dealing with his enslaved persons.
Written September 17, 1838.
Frederick died April 16, 1840."And I further order and direct that my Executor pay unto my coloured woman Sally the sum of forty dollars, so soon after my death as he shall have it in his person to do. And I hereby order and direct that all my coloured people viz: Frank, Sally, and Abraham be set free and manumitted, so soon as my Executor shall have disposed of my personal estate, as shall herein after directed, and I do hereby fully and clearly manumit and set free from slavery all the above Coloured persons."
I have searched the census records for Frank [last name unknown], Sally [Steward], and Abraham [Steward], since they were set free, but have come up empty so far.
Slave Ownership Among Frederick's Children.
Frederick and Esther had six children who survived to adulthood. Of the six, we know that five owned slaves at one time or another. The one who didn't was Frederick, Jr.(3).
Of the five who owned slaves, one was John Stembel, who owned one enslaved person in the 1810 census, but none after that. In 1810 John was 23, and newly married. He and his brother owned a mill. I doubt John required a slave for his household of two, so I assume he acquired a slave to work in the mill. John wasn't recorded in the 1820 census, but we know he was in financial trouble by then(4). In the 1830 census John didn't own any slaves. Soon after the 1830 census John moved his family to Ohio where slavery was not legal.
Another who owned slaves was a daughter, Elizabeth (technically they were owned by her husband). In 1805 Elizabeth married Jonathan Levy, who operated a tavern in Middletown. Taverns were businesses that were generally open 24 hours a day for travelers arriving throughout the day and night. In the 1810 census, Jonathan owned 4 slaves. With two young children, one slave may have been acquired to help Elizabeth around the house, but the other three were likely acquired to work in the tavern. However, Jonathan died suddenly in 1815, and Elizabeth never remarried. Though she remained in Maryland for the rest of her life, we have no record that she owned any slaves after Jonathan's death.
A third who owned slaves was Henry. He owned three slaves in the 1810 census, and two in the 1820 census. In 1810, Henry owned a mill with his brother, John. Henry had two children, so he may have acquired one slave to help his wife around the house, but the other two probably worked in the mill. By 1820 they no longer owned the mill, and Henry had moved his family to Georgetown, in the District of Columbia. Slavery was legal in the District of Columbia. Henry was a merchant in 1820, selling farm implements. I assume his two slaves helped in his home and at the store. In 1823 he sold the two slaves for $650 - to his 15-year-old daughter. It was a strange transaction for a number of reasons. Where would a 15-year-old girl get $650? Why would she need two slaves? Did she know her father was considering moving his family, including her, to Ohio soon? Caroline's slaves would then be free. Maybe that was the whole purpose of her purchase. One of the two slaves she purchased was a female named Harriott who was between the ages of 17 and 28. It's possible Caroline and Harriott were close in age and grew up together. Maybe Caroline balked at the thought of her father selling Harriott to a stranger who might mistreat her. I would like to know what happened to Harriott, and the other slave she purchased (Roger Davis, age 26-45), and how a 15-year-old could come up with $650 (over $14,000 in today's dollars) to buy slaves?
Here is the record of the sale:
1823-January 27, 1823 Bill of Sale, Washington, DC :
" ... I, Henry Stembel ... for and in consideration of the sum of six hundred and fifty dollars ... do grant, bargain, sell and deliver unto the said Caroline Stembel my negro boy named Roger Davis ... and also one negro girl named Harriott ...(5)" signed by Henry Stembel and witnessed by James Ord(6)".
The fourth child who owned enslaved persons was daughter, Mary Margaret. Again, it was her husband, Jacob Hoffman (Jr.) who was the owner. The 1830 census shows they owned one slave, a male between the ages of 10 - 24. Jacob was a merchant so I assume the enslaved person was acquired to work in his store or business. It is possible that the Hoffmans owned more slaves prior to the 1830 census, for church records show that in 1825, an infant slave named Nelson was baptized in Zion Lutheran Church. His mother was Polly. The name of their Master was recorded as Jacob Hoffman. There are many reasons to doubt that this was our Jacob Hoffman. Jacob's father was also named Jacob Hoffman and also lived in Middletown. Both Hoffman's were members of a different church and neither had ever appeared in the Zion Lutheran church records before. Also, there were other Jacob Hoffmans scattered about Frederick County at the time. Neither Nelson nor Polly appeared in Jacob Hoffman's 1830 census record.
Christopher Michael, husband of Ann Catherine Stembel. The fifth child who owned slaves (technically her husband owned them) was Ann Catherine. Her husband, Christopher Michael, was a farmer, and it is assumed he acquired some of his slaves to work on the farm. Until we know how large his farm was and what crops he grew, we can't estimate how much outside help he might have needed (Christopher had nine children, but only one was a son).
Here are the number of slaves they owned as recorded in the censuses:1810 - 3
1820 - ? [not found in census]
1830 - 6
1840 - 8 [actually 9, and possibly 11. This will be explained later.]
Christopher had nine children. When they were young, Christopher and Ann Catherine probably acquired some slaves to help around the house. They had a son who could help his father on the farm. But as the farm grew, and Christopher aged, more help was probably needed. By the time of the 1840 census, Christopher was 65, and there is evidence that he was not in good health(7). His son had married a few years earlier. We can assume he may have needed more help as he aged, and purchased more slaves. In fact we see the number of slaves he owned grow with time. However, Christopher's will shows we would be wrong in assuming the slaves were acquired for farm work, or any work for that matter. Christopher recorded the birth dates of all of his nine slaves. Other than the two adults - Christopher's personal servant, David, and Rachel Jones, age 37 - the remainder of his nine slaves ranged in age from 3 months to 11-years-old, and only 4 were males. The slaves he owned in 1840 were not acquired for work on the farm. In fact their age progression (3 months, 2, 4, 5, 7, 9, 11) looks like the progression we would see from a typical married woman of that era. We have proved, below, that Rachel Jones was not the mother of the five youngest (she had two of her own), and she is the only enslaved woman of child-bearing age owned by the Michaels. So who was their mother, and to what purpose did Christopher own seven young slaves that he had to provide for, but returned very little benefit in return?
Christopher died in 1846. It appears he had been in poor health for some time before his death. He wrote his will six years earlier, just days before his wife's father died.
Christopher's will was gratifyingly detailed and lengthy. He had a wife and nine children that would be sharing his assets. However, 40% of the document was devoted to his nine slaves. It seems he wanted to use his will to make a public record of his slaves' birth dates for their own future reference, and possibly for their descendants.
Seven of Christopher's nine slaves were willed to four of his children: two slaves each to three daughters, and one to his son. The eighth slave, Rachel Jones, was manumitted at the time of Christopher's death, and designated as owner of her own two young children, whom he directed to be manumitted when they turned 21 (they were 5 and 7 when he wrote his will). The ninth slave was David, described by Christopher as "my old servant" and "now unable to gain a livelihood." In his will, Christopher entrusted David to the care of the four children to whom he willed his slaves. Christopher made it abundantly clear that if any of the four didn't contribute to David's care, they should be taken to court.
The section of Christopher Michael's will dealing with his enslaved persons.
Written April 15, 1840 (the day before his father-in-law, Frederick Stembel, died).
Christopher died March 8, 1846."And whereas, I have and hold several slaves, and as I am desirous to limit their time of slavery and thus free them from perpetual bondage, do therefore make the following provisions for them respectively, viz. William Edward Jones I give to my son John Frederick; which said William was born on the 11th July 1829, to serve until the 11th day of July one thousand eight hundred and fifty seven, after which 11th day of July 1857 said William Edward Jones shall be free and manumitted from slavery forever.
"My slaves Geo Washington Jones, born on the 21st day of February 1831, and Amanda Jones born the 23rd day of September 1833. I give and bequeath to my daughter Susan / married to a certain John Nyrich [sp. Nykirk or Nikirk] / said Geo Washington Jones to serve my daughter Susan aforesaid until the 21st day of February eighteen hundred and fifty nine, and the said Amanda Jones to serve my daughter Susan aforesaid until the 23rd day of September one thousand and eight hundred and sixty one, after which several limited periods of servitude, the said Geo Washington and Amanda Jones shall be free and manumitted from slavery forever; and further should the said Amanda Jones have any issue during the time of her servitude, such issue or children shall become free when they arrive respectively at the age of twenty one years. My slaves Sarah Jane Jones born the 6th day of January 1835 and Daniel Francis Jones born the 21st day of June 1836 I give and bequeath to my daughter Lucinda married to a certain Samuel H. Bowlus, said Sarah Jane Jones to serve my daughter Lucinda aforesaid until the 6th day of January eighteen hundred and sixty three, and Daniel Francis Jones until the 21st day of June one thousand eight hundred and sixty four, after which several terms of servitude the said Sarah Jane Jones and Daniel Francis Jones shall forever thereafter be free and manumitted from all slavery whatever, and further, should the said Sarah Jane Jones have any issue or children before the said 6th day of January 1863 such issue or children shall be freed and manumitted from slavery after they arrive respectively to the age of twenty one years.
My slaves Caroline Elizabeth Jones, born the 1st day of January 1838 and Jacob Hamilton Jones, born February the 21st 1840 I give and bequeath to my daughter Mary Ann Esther. Said Caroline Elizabeth Jones to serve until the 1st day of January 1866 and said Jacob Hamilton Jones to serve until the twenty first day of February 1868, after which limited and separate periods of servitude the said Caroline Elizabeth Jones and Jacob Hamilton Jones shall be forever freed and manumitted from slavery, and should the said Caroline Elizabeth Jones have any children during the term of her servitude then such children or issue shall be freed and manumitted when they arrive respectively at the age of twenty one years. And I hereby manumit, set free and discharge from slavery, my slave or negro woman Rachel Jones, at the time of my decease in condition, that the said Rachel will raise and bring up John Thomas and Ann Maria her two last born children, which John Thomas and Ann Maria shall serve her the said Rachel Jones, their mother, till they arrive respectively to the age of twenty one years, from thence forth the said John Thomas and Ann Maria and their children or issue, whether born during or after their servitude shall be free and manumitted forever from slavery.
"And whereas my old servant David, who served me most faithfully and is now unable to gain a livelihood, I do therefore hereby particularly injoin, that the children to whom I have divided my slaves shall furnish him a comfortable and ample support during his life. The said children shall mutually and proportionally contribute for his support and comfort and in case one or more should refuse to contribute as here directed, then shall he, she or they whoever may support him recover by law in action instituted for such purposes in the support of him the said David.
Christopher's farm was purchased by his son, John Frederick Michael, who in the next census (1850) owned just 2 slaves (both of whom were willed to him by his father). A few years after that census, John Frederick sold the farm and moved to Ohio where slavery was not legal.
One of the children to whom Christopher willed two of his slaves was an unmarried daughter, Mary Ann Michael. In the 19th century unmarried adult women could own and control property, unlike married women. Upon marriage, women forfeited everything to their husbands (in return for his protection). Mary Ann married six months after she inherited her slaves, and thus relinquished her ownership to her new husband, Jonathan Brunner.
Christopher's will exposes a mystery. What is the status of Rachel's "two last born children," John Thomas and Ann Marie? A reading of the will implies they are slaves, for it says, "John Thomas and Ann Maria shall serve her, the said Rachel Jones, their mother, till they arrive respectively to the age of twenty one years." But they don't show up under Christopher's name in the 1840 census Slave Schedule. So where were they living and who owned them? I suspect this was an oversight by either Christopher when he answered the census taker's questions, or the questioner who recorded the information. Another slave, Amanda, age 7, was also missing in the Slave Schedule(8).
The way I read Christopher's will, upon his death, Rachel would be set free, and she would then be the owner of two young slaves, her two children. The will says they were to be manumitted when they turned 21 (John was 13 and Ann Maria was 11 when Christopher died). But if she was their new owner, didn't that give her the power to set them free? I believe that is what she did, for in the 1860 census (discussed below), they were living with their mother, and listed with her (i.e., as free Blacks), not on the Slave Schedule.
Rachel Jones and the Jones Surname for Christopher Michael's Slaves.
Rachel was present in the 1840 census in the age 36-55-years-old category (born: 1785-1804). She was not present in the 1830 census, however. One might assume she was the mother of all the young enslaved children in Christopher's household because they all shared her last name, but it appears unlikely for reasons spelled out below. The surname Jones appears to have been Christopher's attempt at uniting them as a family by giving them a shared last name. Maybe one of Rachel's responsibilities was to act as the younger slave's surrogate mother.
The clue that proves that Rachel cannot be the mother of all the slaves who shared her last name is found in Christopher's will where he mentions that Rachel is to be manumitted along with "her two last born children," John Thomas and Anna Maria (no last name). Neither show up in the 1840 census. Both should have been recorded in the Slave Schedule. They both show up in the 1860 census (discussed below), however, and because their ages were recorded, we know about when they were born. John Thomas was born about 1833, and Ann Maria was born about 1835. Both are living with Rachel Jones and share her surname, Jones.
This means Rachel couldn't be the mother of Amanda Jones (b. 1833) or Sarah Jane (b. 1835), or any of the children born after Sarah, because Ann Maria was described as Rachel's "last born" in the will. Despite not showing up on the 1840 Slave Schedule, we know from the discussion above that Rachel's two children were slaves and not free.
Slaves and Former Slaves After Christopher's Death.
The seven inherited slaves. Of the seven slaves who were willed to Christopher's offspring, six were still enslaved in 1850 by those who received them according to the census: the one willed to John Frederick Michael, the two willed to Lucinda Bowlus, the two willed to Mary Ann Brunner, and one of the two willed to Susan Neikirk (Amanda Jones). David, the older slave whom the others were obligated to support, was still living on Christopher's farm, now owned by John Frederick. Missing was George Washington Jones, now 19, who had been willed to the Neikirks. He does not appear by name in the 1850 census, so he may have still been a slave, recorded in a Slave Schedule where the names of slaves were not included.
In 1853, three of these four families, moved to Ohio: the Michaels, the Bowluses, and the Brunners. The 1860 census shows neither John Frederick or the Bowluses had their former slaves living with them. Did they take their slaves with them and free them? The 1860 census shows the Brunners brought at least one of their former slaves, Jacob Jones, now 20, with them. Jacob was now a free Black, living with the Brunners and employed as a day laborer. The census checked the box that indicted Jacob could not read or write. The Brunners' other inherited slave, Caroline Elizabeth Jones, now 22, was not living with them and may have married. However, living next door to the Brunners was David Stewart, the "David" in Christopher's will. David was free, had his own home. His age was recorded as 80 (his age was 61 in the 1850 census!), and it appears he could read and write. We now know his last name, Stewart. Evidently the Brunners agreed to take over responsibility for David from John Frederick.
The one inherited slave still with the Neikirks in the 1850 census, Amanda Jones, was evidently manumitted sometime before the 1860 census, for she was living in Frederick County as a free Black in the 1860 census. However, the Neikirks now owned another slave, a 6-year-old girl according to their 1860 Slave Schedule. As far as we know, this is the only slave owned by a Stembel family in 1860. We don't know when this young girl was freed, but on November 1, 1864, all slaves in Maryland were set free(9). She would have been 10 on that date. She probably remained with the Neikirks. However, Susan died in 1866, and by the next census, the young former slave was not living in the Neikirk household.
Rachel and the 1860 census mentioned above. I have not been able to locate Rachel Jones in the 1850 census, but she does appear in the 1860 census. She was living near Myersville, in Frederick County. Myersville is 5 miles northwest of Middletown. Rachel was 57, had no husband present, and had a personal estate of $30. We are certain this is our Rachel Jones because three former slaves mentioned in Christopher's will were living with her, including the two who were described as "her two last born": John Jones, 17 (occupation: laborer), and Ann M. Jones, 15. Three younger children were also living in her household, born after their mother was manumitted: Oliver Jones, 13, Henry B. Jones, 12, and Charles Jones, 9 (who is their mother?) Also present was an adult woman, Amanda Jones, age 28, who was a former slave named in Christopher's will. She had been willed to Susan Neikirk, and was present with them in 1850, but had evidently been freed sometime after the census.
Three other children, all boys, were living in Rachel's house, but were given a different family number by the census agent, meaning they were a separate family, boarding in the home of another family. The three young boys had the last name of Rideout: Lloyd, age 4, Daniel, age 2, and John J., age 4/12 (born Dec. 1859). Lloyd had a personal estate valued at $50 (a large sum for a 4-year-old!). It is unlikely Rachel is their mother (because of her age). The most likely mother of the three would be Amanda Jones, who was 28. The father's last name can be assumed to be Rideout. I located a James Rideout, age 36, in the same 1860 census. He was living in Cumberland, Maryland, 65 miles away. What makes this intriguing is that he is living with a man and woman, Nathaniel Jones, 58, and Maria Jones, 46, with the same last name, albeit common, as Rachel and Amanda.
My best guess is that Amanda is the mother of the three Rideout boys. I hypothesize that until recently, Amanda and James Rideout had been living together and had three children, but James left to find a steady job in a city that is growing and needed workers. Cumberland would be a likely choice (it was growing, it's population would almost double in the next ten years). I believe Nathaniel Jones could be Rachel's brother (and Mary is his wife). They lived in Cumberland, and agreed to let James board with them until he found a job. So Amanda moved in with Rachel, who she knew from their slave days, and brought her three children with her. To complete this story (fantasy?) James sent $50 dollars to his oldest son (wives could not own property or money) to help pay for food and other expenses. This would explain the unusual $50 personal estate attributed to Lloyd in the census.
This is a nice theory, but it is probably wrong, as most best guesses turn out to be in genealogy.
The 1860 census showing Rachel Jones's family
The 1860 Census showing Nathaniel and Maria Jones, and James Rideout.
I have tried tracking the lives of Christopher Michael's former slaves with almost no success. I have found a number of possible finds in subsequent federal censuses, but have unearthed only the one certain find discussed above. Did some change their name from the one given to them as a slave? Possibly. I will continue to search. I'm beginning to wonder if the census takers in the post Civil War era made little attempt to search out and record free black families who might have been living down lonely roads.
What Was the Stembels' Relationship With Their Enslaved People?
This is an impossible question to answer definitively. Remember, at the turn of the 19th century, slaves were considered less human than the white men who owned them, and ran the country, passed the laws, had rights, and controlled commerce. Slaves were property. They obeyed your orders. They did your work. Other than that they were largely invisible. They had no voice, they had no rights, some considered them just another beast of burden, to be bought, bred, and sold as needed. That was the world the Stembels we are studying lived in (though not necessarily how they viewed their enslaved people).
Morality is surprisingly local, not universal. While almost all cultures deem murder and lying, two examples, to be immoral, but beyond the basics, morality varies from culture to culture, and time to time. There are cultures where arraigned marriages are normal and acceptable, while our culture condemns it. In the early 19th century, slavery in the slave states, like Maryland, was moral and normal and hardly controversial. Today we find it abhorrent. So when trying to fathom the Stembel families' relationship with their slaves, we must examine the evidence based on the morality of the place and time.
Slavery in Maryland was different than most of the other slave states. "By 1860 Maryland's free black population comprised 49.1% of the total number of African Americans in the state. The small state of Maryland was home to nearly 84,000 free blacks in 1860, by far the most of any state; the state had ranked as having the highest number of free blacks since 1810" [Wikipedia]. Frederick County was different than most of the other counties in Maryland, especially those with large tobacco and cotton plantations to the east and south. Farms were smaller, a higher percentage of slaves were acquired for help in the house, not in fields, although they might work in the fields during planting or harvesting season. Also, Pennsylvania, a free state, was just a night's walk away. Slaves who were mistreated had a potential safe haven just 20 miles away. The owners knew this, so it is likely slaves in Frederick County were treated somewhat better than slaves further south.
All this being said, there is really very little information available for us to get an idea of how the Stembels viewed their slaves and how they treated them. To date we only have Frederick and Christopher's wills and some church records to go by, so any conclusions should be viewed as weak and likely biased by my interpretation of the information.
Let's start with the church records. Frederick Stembel was a member of the Zion Lutheran Church in Middletown his whole adult life. He was an Elder, then a Deacon from 1796 through 1804. He had his children baptized there. An examination of the church records (1781-1820) finds almost no records of baptisms of Blacks, whether free or slave. That is not surprising, for in the early years it appears the church services were in German. Also, the growing population of free Blacks formed their own churches. However, slaves owned by the white church members might be expected to show up in the records if they wanted them baptized, but none did until 1821 when a few free Blacks had their children baptized. Soon after, some newborn slave baptisms appeared. Frederick was the first to have a slave newborn baptized, on June 30, 1822. The baptism of slaves ended in 1824. By then 11 slave newborns had been baptized and entered into the records. Of the nine slave owners who had slave newborns baptized, Frederick Stembel was the only one who had more than one newborn baptized, with three. Here are the three he had baptized:
1822-June 30 (Zion Lutheran Church records) - Caroline Siles was born July 22, 1821. Her mother was Charity Siles. Her father was Jerron Siles. She was baptized in the Zion Lutheran Church on June 30, 1822. Caroline and Charity were owned by Frederick Stembel, Sr. He may have also owned Jerron, but we have no proof.
1822-September 22 (Zion Lutheran Church records) - Abraham Steward was born April 14, 1822. His mother was Sally Steward. Both were owned by Frederick Stembel, Sr. Abraham was baptized in the Zion Lutheran Church on September 22, 1822.
1824-May 16 (Zion Lutheran Church records) - Hurby Siles was born September 13, 1823. His mother was Charity Siles. His father was Jeremiah Siles. Hurby was baptized on May 16, 1824. His entry was recorded thus: "Hurby, son of Jeremiah Siles and Charity." "Master of woman" was recorded as "Fred. Stemples, Jr." I believe that was either an error or Frederick, Jr. was substituting for his father for some reason(10). The wording of the entry also implies that only Hurby's mother was enslaved, not his father. That would still make Hurby a slave, but if his mother and father were married and his father was free, and they had a child together, it would imply that Charity was allowed to spend time with her husband.
In my opinion, this shows that Frederick recognized that Blacks were humans and had souls. Having his slave's children baptized as he had his own children baptized, shows an unusual level of concern and respect in my opinion. On the other hand, one might say Frederick could have easily hired free Blacks, who were plentiful in the county and needed work, instead of owning slaves.
Frederick and Christopher's wills show that every one of their fourteen slaves were to be manumitted. Some immediately, while the remainder were given a specific date upon which they would be manumitted. Of those who were manumitted upon the owner's death, one was given a modest cash payment, another was guaranteed to be taken care of for the rest of his life.
Christopher Michael specified the date upon which each of his slaves would be manumitted (on the day they turned 28). This shows that he rejected the notion that a slave and his children should be slaves forever. He wrote the specific date that each should be freed into the will so there would be a legal document they could use to ensure their freedom. He also chose an age, 28, which was young enough for them to use their training to begin a new life.
We're told by older family members that one reason Frederick's offspring moved to Ohio was their opposition to slavery. We're told that some took slaves to Ohio with them and set them free. There is some evidence of this. In the 1830 census, Frederick, Jr., who had recently moved to Ohio, had a young black girl living with his family (unfortunately, individual names were not recorded before 1850). Another family, one of John's sons, had a black woman as a nanny for the family, reputed to have been a former slave brought from Maryland. She was given the privilege of naming one of their children.
I don't doubt some, or all, of Frederick's offspring who moved out of Maryland, opposed slavery, but I question whether it was the prime reason for their moves.
The 18 Known Enslaved Persons Owned by the Stembels in Frederick County, Maryland, and Washington, DC.
---, Frank [no surname]
Born: 1785 or earlier. (In the 1840 census he is recorded in the 55-100 age group)
Manumitted: 1840. By Frederick's will.
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Wife: unk.
--1840 Census. In Frederick Stembel's household as a slave.---, Harriott [no surname]
Born: between 1795-1806. (1820 Census for Henry Stembel. Washington, DC. Age: 14-25)
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.Davis, Roger
Born: between 1775-1794 (1820 Census for Henry Stembel. Washington, DC. Age: 26-45)
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.Jones, Amanda
Born: September 23, 1833 (As per Christopher's will)
Manumitted: unknown* , but she was free by the 1860 census. (Christopher's will: 23 Sep 1861)
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Willed to: Christopher's daughter, Susan Neikirk
--1850 Census - On John Neikirk's Slave Schedule. Age 17.
--1860 Census - Myersville, Frederick County, MD, age 28, living with Rachel Jones.Jones, Ann Maria
Born: c 1835
Manumitted: c 1856. (At age 21. As per Christopher's will)
Mother: Rachel Jones
Father: unk.
--1850 Census - Not found
--1860 Census - Living with her mother. Age: 15. Not listed on the Slave Schedule, so it appears she is free.Jones, Caroline Elizabeth
Born: 1 January 1838 (As per Christopher's will)
Manumitted: unknown* (Christopher's will specified 1 January 1866)
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Willed to: Christopher's daughter, Mary Ann Esther Brunner
--1850 Census - Recorded on Jonathan Brunner's Slave Schedule.
--1860 Census - Missing. The other Brunner inherited slave is living with the Brunners in Ohio. Did Caroline move with them? Did she marry? She would be 22.Jones, Daniel Francis
Born: 21 June 1836 (As per Christopher's will)
Manumitted: unknown (Christopher's will: 21 June 1864)
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Willed to: Christopher's daughter, Lucinda Bowlus
--1850 Census - Bowlus's Slave Schedule. Age 14.
--1860 Census - Not found. Bowlus family moved to Ohio prior to the censusJones, George Washington
Born: 21 Feb 1831 (As per Christopher's will)
Manumitted: unknown (Christopher's will: 21 Feb 1859)
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Willed to: Christopher's daughter, Susan Neikirk
--1850 Census - Not found (age 19)Jones, Jacob Hamilton
Born: 21 February 1840 (As per Christopher's will)
Manumitted: unknown (Christopher's will: 21 February 1868)
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Willed to: Christopher's daughter, Mary Ann Esther Brunner
--1850 Census - Recorded on Jonathan Brunner's Slave Schedule
--1860 Census - Free. Living with the Brunners in Ohio.(11)Jones, John Thomas
Born: c 1833 (1860 census)
Manumitted: c 1854 (At age 21. As per Christopher's will)
Mother: Rachel Jones
Father: unk.
--1850 Census - Not found
--1860 Census - Living with mother. Not listed on the Slave Schedule, so it appears he is free.Jones, Rachel
Born: c 1803 (1860 Census)
Manumitted: 1846.
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Children: John Thomas Jones
Ann Maria Jones
--1830 Census - not present
--1840 Census - Recorded in Christopher's household as a slave.
--1850 Census - Not found
--1860 Census - Free. Living near Myersville, Frederick County.Jones, Sarah Jane
Born: 6 January 1835 (As per Christopher's will)
Manumitted: unknown* (Christopher's will: 6 January 1863)
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Willed to: Christopher's daughter, Lucinda Bowlus
--1850 Census - Bowlus's Slave Schedule. Age 15.
--1860 Census - Not found. Bowlus family moved to Ohio prior to the census.Jones, William Edward
Born: 11 July 1829 (As per Christopher's will)
Manumitted: unknown (Christopher's will: 11 July 1857)
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Willed to: Son, John Frederick
--1850 census - Recorded on John Frederick Michael's Slave Schedule. Age 21 Race: Black
--1860 census - Not found. The Michael family moved to Ohio prior to the census.Siles, Caroline
Born: 22 July 1821
Baptized: 30 June 1822. Zion Lutheran Church.
Manumitted: unknown
Mother: Charity Siles
Father: Jerron SilesSiles, Charity
Born: c 1784 (26-45 in 1820 census, 55-100 in 1840 census. She gave birth in 1821 and 1823).
Manumitted: Unknown
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Spouse: Likely Jeremiah Siles.
Children: Caroline Siles
Hurby Siles
Died: unk.Siles, Hurby
Born: 13 September 1823
Baptized: 16 May 1824. Zion Lutheran Church.
Manumitted: unknown
Mother: Charity Siles
Father: Jeremiah SilesSteward, Abraham
Born: 14 April 1822
Baptized: 22 September, 1822. Zion Lutheran Church.
Manumitted: 1841. As per Frederick's will.
Mother: Sally Steward
Father: unk.Steward, Sally
Born: c 1785 (36-55 in 1830 census, 55-100 in 1840 census, gave birth 1822).
Manumitted: 1841. As per Frederick's will. [In addition to freedom, Frederick left her $40]
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Spouse: Likely David Stewart
Children: Abraham Steward
Died: unk.
--1840 Census-Frederick's Slave Schedule. Age 55-100.Stewart, David
Born: c 1780 (80 years old in 1860 census). Maryland.
Manumitted: mid-1850s when he moved to Ohio. Possibly before the move.
Mother: unk.
Father: unk.
Spouse: Likely Sally Steward, owned by Frederick, Sr.
Children: Possibly Abraham Steward
Died: unk.
--1840 Census- Christopher Michael as a slave.
--1850 Census - John Frederick Michael's Slave Schedule. Age 61.
--1860 Census - Free. Living next to Jonathan and Mary Ann Brunner. Age 80.
------------
1. According to the 1850 Federal census, there were 1,090 slave owners in Frederick County (out of 36,000 free residents). They owned an average of 3.6 slaves each. Only 14 individuals in the entire county owned more than 10 slaves.
2. Through church records we know that Sally and her son Abraham's last name was Steward (or possibly Stewart).
3. Initially, it appeared that Frederick, Jr. owned two slaves. In a 1824 church record of a baptism, he was listed as the "master" of the mother of the newborn slave who was baptized. The mother was Charity Siles. But we know from earlier church records that Charity Siles was owned by Frederick, Sr. Since we have no other record of Frederick, Jr. owning slaves, I'm reasonably certain Frederick, Jr. was filling in for his father as the baptism's sponsor.
4. Maryland State Senate business published in The Maryland Gazette [Annapolis], January 28, 1820: "The bill for the relief of John Stemble, of Frederick County, an insolvent debtor, was read [before the Senate] the second, and by special order the third time and will not pass. Mr. [Roger Brooke] Taney was excused from voting, being engaged as counsel against said Stemble." [Roger Taney went on to become a Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. It was he who wrote the notorious Dred Scott decision in 1857.]
5. This bill of sale gives us the names of the two enslaved persons recorded in the 1820 census: Roger Davis and Harriott. From the 1820 census we know that Roger was between the ages of 28 and 47 (hardly the "boy" he was described as in the bill of sale), and Harriott was between 16 and 27, at the time of the sale.
6. James Ord (1786-1873) entered Georgetown College as a student in 1800. He was reputed to be the son of Mrs. Fitzherbert, the wife of King George IV of England. After emigrating to America, Ord worked first near Norfolk, Virginia as a ship builder, next in Charles County, Maryland in ship construction, and then on a farm outside of Washington, D.C. He joined the Society of Jesus in 1806 but left the order in 1811. Soon thereafter, Ord joined the Navy, but he served in the infantry during the War of 1812. Ord lived in Allegheny County, Maryland from 1815 to 1819, in Washington, D.C. from 1819 to 1837, in Sault Sainte Marie, Michigan in the mid-1800s, and in California after 1855. James Ord died in 1873. [Emphasis mine]. From https://www.library.georgetown.edu/exhibition/james-ord-and-his-family-beyond-200-years-america. Downloaded 10/13/2020. We have no assurance this is the same James Ord who witnessed Henry's bill of sale.
7. Christopher wrote the following in his will: "I give and bequeath to my daughter Mary Ann Esther the sum of three hundred dollars, two hundred dollars of said sum of $300 I give her for the purpose of purchasing furniture if she sees proper to do so, and the other sum of one hundred dollars in consideration for her faithful services now rendering me, which said sum of 300 dollars to be paid to her as soon as anything or money is realized after my decease, and no account shall be taken of said 300 dollars it being considered by me a special legacy to my daughter aforesaid. My daughter aforesaid shall also take and hold the property now owned and claimed by her on or about my premises, free of charge." It appears that Mary Ann cared for Christopher for a number of years (he wrote his will six years before his death).
8. Christopher named nine slaves in his will (eleven if Rachel's two children are included), the Slave Schedule shows only eight. The 1840 census was taken just two months after Christopher wrote his will. I doubt there were any slaves purchased or sold in such a short period. The will and census should have agreed.
9. Maryland was one of three slave states that was not included in the 1862 Emancipation Proclamation, because they chose not to secede. Slavery was officially ended by Article 24 in Maryland's new Constitution which outlawed the practice of slavery.
10. On June 30, 1822 Charity Siles had a daughter, Caroline, baptized in the same church. The church record recorded the master's name as Frederick Stemble. It didn't specify if it was Sr. or Jr. We believe that when there is no distinction made, it refers to Frederick, Sr. The father of Caroline was entered as Jerron Siles. Was Jerron and Jeremiah the same person?
11. According to the census, Jacob could not read or write.
Copyright. Oren Stembel, STEMBEL FAMILY HISTORY PROJECT. (familyhistory.stembel.org)